Grand chief sir michael somare biography
He served as PM from , , and He was born and raised in Rabaul, East New Britain.
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He was one of the very few Papua New Guineans to speak English, therefore he became a translator for the legislative council, although it was a western dominated institution, it gave him insights into politics. He went on to become a radio announcer in Wewak, East Sepik, where he made his name by discussing and having podcast on country politics.
This was a teaching qualification at the time, and he then taught at several primary and secondary schools, returning to Sogeri High School for further training from to Somare liked to present himself in a lap-lap a kind of sarong instead of in trousers. Lap laps are not traditional in the sense of pre-colonial and is therefore a declaration of neo traditionalism.
That is also evident in his autobiography that he published at independence. His father brought him there to the village of Karau in the Murik Lakes region [ 11 ] when Somare's mother separated from him. Somare paid elaborate attention to his initiation and the role of matrilineal descent is also evident there.
Grand chief sir michael somare
Yet the people of the Sepik do not enforce descent rules rigorously. Somare claimed also the honorific title of Sana in his father's line. This title asserts descent from the founder of the clan and is a designation as peacemaker. The title of Sana bestowed for example on the bearer the duty of organising a meal for the enemies before a fight.
Sepik societies are no longer expected to make war: a historical element is thus given meaning in a new context. In order to obtain the title he was approved for admission to the elders of the clan before he had reached the required minimum age. This may be less controversial than Somare portrayed. Leadership in the Sepik is not based on descent but on a consensus among the elders and reputation is decisive.
PNG has not been dominated by one particular leader whose power base was in a centralised institution like a party or the army. Political life in Papua New Guinea is fragmented and decentralised: party formation is weak. Above all, Papua New Guinea has maintained a Westminster style democracy and leaders moved aside when they lost parliamentary majorities.
At independence Somare insisted on a ministerial rather than a presidential system. Somare stressed his background in the small emerging modern sector of Papua New Guinea rather than his immersion in Sepik culture in two long interviews at the end of his career. Later on, he was one of the 35 Papua New Guineans who went through a crash course that gave entry to the civil service.
He was as a result also one of the few Papua New Guineans with a command of the English language. Therefore, he was qualified as a translator for the Legislative Council. This was a white-dominated institution but it gave him insight into the game of politics. He also became a radio announcer in Wewak, East Sepik. That was a great opportunity to make his name known in the area that elected him throughout his long career consistently as their MP.
It also brought the ire of his supervisors because of his critical comments and they transferred him on administrative duties to Port Moresby.
There he became part of the small group of educated nationalists that had the nickname of the bully beef club. This group protested already early on against the racist nature of colonial rule. He stood for election when opportunities opened up for native Papua New Guineans to enter the National Assembly in and he was one of the eight Pangu candidates who were successful.
He embarked in politics practising a judicious mixture of opposition to and co-optation by the Australian government. Pangu opted in for the opposition rather than having seats in government. From that position they consistently attacked the racist nature of colonial rule as they had also done outside parliament. Somare was leader of the opposition but he was also a member of the Constitutional Planning Committee preparing for independence.
He was despite his radical position also a moderate. He argued for example for a period of internal self government. That was granted in Foreign affairs and defence remained an Australian responsibility until full independence was granted two years later. Somare was particularly adept at steering a clear way among various conflicting forces. More important were the centrifugal forces in the country.
There was a rival political party with mass following in the highlands, the Compass party.
A separatist movement was pleading for separate independence for Papua apart from New Guinea. In Bougainville, there were forces claiming independence. There were conflicts among the Tolai in East New Britain. Somare succeeded in bringing all these centrifugal forces together at independence. Somare's advocacy of independence was radical as compared to the other parties who were much more in favour of the status quo.
It was particularly important to sway the opinion of Julius Chan who was not keen on immediate independence. When that succeeded a coalition government between Pangu and the PPP became possible. Some forces on the Australian side were also not in favour of independence for PNG, but it was definitely not the case that there was a veritable independence struggle.
There was some protest against colonial practices, for example, a civil service strike pleading for equal treatment of PNG personnel with Australian personnel or protest against discriminatory practices. However, there was a fair amount of co-optation on the way to independence, especially after Gough Whitlam became prime minister of Australia.
Since there has been access to the Australian archives from this period it was clear that Australia wanted to get rid of PNG already early on. The Australian government was keen to let the complexities of ruling PNG go. Michael Somare's role in the independence struggle reflects therefore the values he advocated throughout his career, as a builder of consensus and a politician whose main mission was avoiding or reconciling conflicts.
Michael Somare was praised highly when he left politics in Dorney also praised the enduring parliamentary democracy in such a fractured community. That is understandable because Somare was not conspicuous as a policymaker. His policies must often were derived from the actual course that he took reacting to events.
Three areas of policy making illustrate that: agriculture, macroeconomic policies and development planning. PNG got as a parting gift at independence an economic analysis with recommendations. That stressed the need for rural development and Somare accepted that at that time. There was however no major policy debate around the project.
His son, Arthur Somare , was the prime driver of the project rather than prime minister Michael Somare. It was also enacted when Somare was not in power. The deeds of Somare governments show one predominant trait in policy making: he was a fiscal conservative. Government expenditure was under control when he was prime minister. When Somare succeeded Morauta as prime minister in , there was a fear that Somare would undo the privatisation of the preceding government and move away from the politics of austerity.
However, he left the reforms of the preceding Morauta government intact, and his fiscal rectitude fitted the IMF philosophy of structural adjustment. There was only one attempt to formulate a comprehensive development policy by a Somare government: the Vision document. The document is critical of PNG's performance since independence but it lays the blame in the first place on its citizenry rather than the government and government policies.
Michael Somare was a well travelled man when he became prime minister in He had for example visited East Africa, Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, there were some countries to which he felt more friendly than others and the first one among those was Japan. For example: Contrary to the general opinion, he praised their treatment of local women.
Indonesia is the second country that figured large in international relations during the Somare era, but that was not because of buoyant international ties. PNG mainly attempted to remain as passive as possible towards the violent conflict between proponents of West Papua independence and the Indonesian government. The Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua region was never questioned.
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He discusses how unusual it was for a colony to write its own constitution. He emphasises the role of Australian education in PNG from and the group selected to complete secondary education and join the Australian Public Service.
00:06:47: Sir Michael Thomas Somare GCL GCMG CH CF SSI KStJ KSG PC (9 April – 25 February ) was a Papua New Guinean politician. Widely called the "father of the nation" (Tok Pisin: Papa blo kantri), he was the first Prime Minister after independence.
Michael Somare states that he discussed with Gough Whitlam the importance of at least 4 or 5 years of continuing Australian presence in PNG for training, and his discussions regarding ongoing financial assistance to PNG from Australia with both Gough Whitlam and Andrew Peacock. Michael Somare describes the preparations in the month between the Constitution being adopted and Independence including the powers transferred to PNG and the role of Albert Maori Kiki first foreign relations minister.
He emphasises the importance of the Governor General not being given the power of veto, thus removing the threat of a presidential system. He states that he operated in effect as Prime Minister and discusses the guests for Independence celebrations. He discusses the advice he got to keep the armed forces numbers low so as not to create a situation as occurred in Fiji with General Rambuka.
Michael Somare outlines the challenges before Independence including the threat of Independence in Bougainville and the role of Momis, and keeping the predominantly Catholic Bougainville within the fold. Michael Somare recalls the feelings around the country, including the Papua Besena movement, Josephine Abaijah and separation and the role of Albert Maori Kiki and Reuben Taureka and other Papuans and John Guise to win the hearts of people.
Michael Somare discusses the first election after Independence in , and points to the grass roots organisation of the Pangu Party. He discusses the dismantling of the Pangu Party and the challenge to get rid of him.
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Michael Somare outlines developing foreign policy based on 'a friend to all', his relationship with South East Asia and his visit to China with Albert Maori Kiki to sign a diplomatic agreement in Michael Somare discusses the national goals contained in the constitution and how they guided policy relating to land ownership vested in the people not the government.
Michael Somare reflects on policies on land, and equal rights for women. He talks about various women parliamentarians including Nahau Rooney and his ideas to get more women into parliament. He discusses the inherent sexism in the community but points to the election of Julie Soso Akeke in a Highlands seat. Michael Somare reflects on the things that he would have done differently, including the need to review the system of local government and the difficulties of small islands like Bougainville.
Michael Somare talks about a Federation model for , and his optimism for the future. He points to the need to ensure that income is distributed to the provinces and that people receive training and that skilled workers, for example mining engineers, are retained in PNG not lost to Western Australian mines.
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Michael Somare discusses the role of women in PNG in politics and development and the number of women in the national court and in parliament. Michael Somare discusses the problems of unemployment and crime in the towns from the mids, and the mistake of the government not acquiring land in towns for use as schools and health centres.
He discusses the problems of squatters in towns and the problems on Lihir Island and with land registration. He remarks that he is still involved in the ongoing development issues of the country. Michael Somare grew up in East Sepik Province, first attending school there during the Japanese occupation.